Kalena Thomhave
Emerson National Hunger Fellow, Family-Centered Social Policy Program
This week, House Speaker Paul Ryan (R-WI) introduced his 鈥溾 plan, a set of proposals outlining the House GOP鈥檚 vision for fighting poverty if given the opportunity to fully govern. The proposal includes a panoply of bread and butter Republican policies, including increased work requirements and state block grants, in addition to measures aimed at gutting the Labor Department鈥檚 proposed fiduciary rule and dismantling the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau.
, Director of the Asset Building program at 国产视频, issued a statement detailing how Ryan鈥檚 plan would be a 鈥渕assive rollback of consumer protections鈥 and 鈥渕ake the process of saving and asset building harder for low-income Americans.鈥 Instead, effective anti-poverty legislation should be centered on 鈥渟upporting real consumer protection, cutting red tape that keeps the poor from saving, using TANF to support financial inclusion, reforming the tax code to support emergency savings, and instituting retirement reforms that would automatically cover all workers.鈥
Some argue that many of the recommendations are simply a nod to business interests, cloaked as anti-poverty rhetoric. wrote a piece for Mother Jones highlighting Elizabeth Warren鈥檚 response to Ryan鈥檚 plan鈥擶arren called the new proposal 鈥渁 shiny repackaging of Paul Ryan’s old plan: Keep huge tax breaks and special loopholes open for billionaires and giant corporations, gut the rules on Wall Street, then say there’s no money for Social Security, for Medicare, for education, or anything else that will help struggling working families.” Similarly, 厂濒补迟别鈥檚 notes that 鈥渢he basic consumer protections offered by the fiduciary rule aren’t going to deprive anybody of essential financial advice, and fighting it is an obvious sop to a powerful industry.鈥
Others see the plan鈥檚 stringent work requirements as misguided. As with Vox writes, 鈥渢he bootstrap narrative of a plucky poor person escaping poverty through hard work and perseverance has a lot of purchase in the US,鈥 which Ryan鈥檚 plan channels through its promotion of work requirements and business tax credits. But 鈥渢here need[s] to be jobs to gain [and] those jobs need to pay a decent amount.鈥
Such criticism of the conservative anti-poverty agenda has contributed to the creation of opposing policy plans. The Center for American Progress recently released 鈥,鈥 which recommends policies that would 鈥渓evel the playing field for those who have been historically left behind.鈥 Melissa Boteach, Rebecca Vallas, and Eliza Schultz point to creating better jobs and improving wages, among many other policy recommendations that stand in direct contrast to Ryan鈥檚 plan.
The Roosevelt Institute released a report examining our society鈥檚 鈥渞acial rules鈥 and how they affect six different dimensions of well-being: income, wealth, education, criminal justice, health, and democratic participation. The authors contend that past and present discrimination toward black Americans has been codified through implicit and explicit racial biases that have had an adverse effect on the well-being of black communities. After illustrating the evolution of 鈥渞acial rules鈥 over the past several centuries, researchers suggest that ameliorating their detriment will require an agenda of positive rules and targeted universalism, which identifies a social problem, proposes a solution, and broadens that solution鈥檚 scope to cover as many people as possible. 鈥淭he key policy point is that we have a choice,鈥 the authors write. 鈥淚t is possible to rewrite the rules that shape unequal opportunities and produce unequal outcomes.鈥
鈥淸R]ich white families spend more on entertainment and groceries than rich black families. And black families at all income levels spend more on things that require a long-term contract, such as electricity and heating services, than white families at corresponding income levels,鈥 reports The Atlantic鈥檚 . The reason, according to a recently released paper, is access. Many black communities exist within retail deserts, which are areas that lack amenities such as grocery stores, pharmacies, banks, etcetera. So even among black families with moderate incomes, if they live in an area that lacks resources it 鈥渃an make it harder for [them] to consume the same type of goods their white peers do.鈥
The released the results of a similar analysis, which focused on consumption differences across income quartiles rather than between black and white households. Spending on goods such as fuel varied vary little between quintiles, whereas spending on nondurable goods like groceries and clothing differed by 10 percentage points. The greatest difference was in spending on durable goods like televisions and home improvements, where spending between the lowest and highest quintiles differed by almost 28 percent. White writes: 鈥淢any consumers must use a fixed quantity of gas to travel to work, and consumers must allocate a share of their budgets to food鈥攅ither as groceries or restaurants. Discretionary spending is left at the wayside, which contributes to higher inequality in durables, restaurants, and other services.鈥 In other words, tighter households budgets within low-income households leaves less money available for discretionary spending, which causes an increase in consumption inequality.
This week, the Bipartisan Policy Center released 鈥淪ecuring Our Financial Future鈥, a report by the Commission on Retirement Security and Personal Savings, which took a holistic look at how to ensure more workers are financially secure in retirement. The paper centered on six major themes: improving access to workplace retirement savings plans; promoting emergency savings; managing increased longevity; maximizing home equity in retirement; improving financial capability; and strengthening social security. It admirably elevated the relationship between short-term savings and retirement savings, noting that 鈥渋nsufficient short-term savings can lead workers to draw down their retirement accounts, incurring taxes and (often) penalties.鈥 Nevertheless, not all members of the commission supported it鈥檚 final recommendations. Urban Institute鈥檚 writes that she could not endorse the report because it relied too heavily on benefits cuts.
| Center for Retirement Initiatives | June 15, 2016
| Federal Reserve System | June 14, 2016
| Urban Institute | June 14, 2016
| Pew Charitable Trusts | June 17, 2016