Kalena Thomhave
Emerson National Hunger Fellow, Family-Centered Social Policy Program
The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) released its long-awaited for regulating payday lending this week. The new rule would require lenders to verify consumers鈥 income and confirm that they are able to repay what they borrow. Additionally, the rule restricts repeated debit attempts by lenders on consumers鈥 accounts, which can induce heavy fees and make it more difficult for borrowers to emerge from debt. The proposed regulations are set to apply to payday loans, auto title loans, deposit advance products, and certain high-cost installment loans. reports in The New York Times that 鈥…the proposed rules would radically reshape the market. Loan volume could fall at least 55 percent, according to the consumer agency鈥檚 estimates, and the $7 billion a year that lenders collect in fees would drop significantly.鈥
of Pew Charitable Trusts, who has conducted extensive research on small-dollar loans, believes that the new rule falls short of what鈥檚 needed to curtail some of the most deleterious activities in which the industry engages. 鈥淸The proposal] would allow payday loans with 400 percent interest rates to flourish while locking out lower-cost loans from banks,鈥 he argues. 鈥淭o correct this problem, the CFPB should ensure that its final regulations include effective, pro-consumer product safety standards, such as limiting loan payments to 5 percent of a borrower鈥檚 paycheck. With a few strong fixes, the bureau could create a policy that protects millions of hardworking Americans.鈥 Bourke鈥檚 not alone in his criticism. Others, too, have expressed disappointment at the narrow scope of the proposal. In American Banker, notes that the rule doesn鈥檛 change stringent underwriting requirements banks must uphold, and, therefore, it doesn鈥檛 provide the appropriate incentives for mainstream financial institutions to offer these products, a move that researcher say would make small-dollar lending significantly less expensive for consumers.
Taking a step back from the new rule, The Atlantic鈥檚 pointed out that 鈥減ayday lending is, after all, an ugly and costly symptom of a much larger and more systemic problem鈥攖he financial disenfranchisement of America鈥檚 poor.鈥 She offered a few solutions that would get more at the root of the problem, including postal banking.
asserts in The New York Times that universal basic income (UBI) would create a disincentive to work in addition to being difficult to fund. In response to Porter鈥檚 column, Vox鈥檚 argues that, at this stage, we shouldn鈥檛 focus on the cost of UBI, but rather we ought to examine how the policy would align with how the nation views work. He asks whether we can respect people who live off a universal basic income, suggesting that if the answer is no, the policy may not be politically viable.
Also skeptical of the policy, from the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities voiced concerns that UBI might increase poverty, particularly if it鈥檚 adopted as a replacement for the current public assistance infrastructure: 鈥淚f you take the dollars targeted on people in the bottom fifth or two-fifths of the population and convert them to universal payments to people all the way up the income scale, you鈥檙e redistributing income upward. That would increase poverty and inequality rather than reduce them.鈥 In the 国产视频 Weekly, Alexander Holt rebuffed this idea, noting that UBI would actually be a tax policy. He believes that the wealthy would lose some of their tax benefits, which would be partially replaced by UBI, and thus benefits would be shifted down the economic ladder. Holt suggests that UBI may eventually make some public assistance programs obsolete, but that it shouldn鈥檛 be conflated with an immediate reduction of the welfare state. of Vox, however, argued that UBI could be paid for by cutting 鈥渟maller means-tested welfare programs [like] , Section 8, [and] 鈥極bama phones.鈥欌
The costs of basic needs鈥攆ood, housing, healthcare鈥攁re rising, of The Atlantic writes. As a result, 鈥渓ow-income households are devoting a greater share of their budget to basic needs compared with 30 years ago.鈥 Unfortunately, tighter household budgets and less discretionary income may lead to poorer outcomes for children. Vox鈥檚 writes that it may have contributed to the rise in childhood obesity. Supporting this idea, Vanessa Oddo of the Bloomberg School says: “We think that unemployment 鈥 resulting in decreased income 鈥 could render fruits and vegetables and other more healthful foods unaffordable.鈥
Despite rising the costs of necessities, the poverty threshold, and, thus, eligibility for public assistance, is still tied to the cost of basic food needs in the 1960s when the measure was originally established. And, those who do qualify for public assistance often face challenges accessing it, due to decisions made at the state level. Take Arizona for example, Slate鈥檚 reports that Arizona has one of the highest child poverty rates in the country, and yet, its government recently decided to limit cash assistance through Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) to one year鈥攖he lowest time limit in the country. Other states use TANF dollars to pay for a range of services outside of the scope of welfare. Marketplace鈥檚 explains that because TANF funds are provided to states in the form of block grants, states have significant flexibility to decide what they鈥檙e spent on. The State of Pennsylvania, for example, spends some of its money on 鈥溾榗risis pregnancy centers鈥 that counsel women against abortions,鈥 and 鈥渋n Michigan, welfare spending includes a program that gives private college scholarships to students from households with incomes as high as $250,000 or more.鈥
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