Stephen Burd
Senior Writer & Editor, Higher Education
For years, Sallie Mae was known on Capitol Hill as a financial heavyweight in order to protect its lucrative subsidies. Five years after the end of Sallie鈥檚 lender gravy train, we鈥檙e being reminded again of just how were.
that Albert Lord, the former chief executive officer of the student loan giant Sallie Mae, is at the center of a federal corruption probe against , a longtime Democratic Congressman from Pennsylvania.
At issue is an illegal $1 million loan that Lord allegedly made to help Fattah鈥檚 failed 2007 bid to become the mayor of Philadelphia. The loan came at a time when Sallie Mae was scrambling to win over Democratic lawmakers to oppose efforts to cut or eliminate government subsidies to student loan providers before Congress successfully ended the bank-based program in 2010.
Since August, two political consultants (see and ) who worked on Fattah鈥檚 mayoral campaign have pled guilty to charges that they participated in a $1 million campaign laundering scheme on behalf of the Congressman.
According to that the U.S. Department of Justice filed in November in the federal district court in Eastern Pennsylvania, Fattah approached Lord (identified in the documents as Person D) in April 2007, at a time when his campaign was struggling financially. The lawmaker had unsuccessfully challenged Philadelphia鈥檚 campaign contribution limits in the Pennsylvania Superior Court.
Lord, who had already contributed $100,000 to an 鈥渆xploratory committee鈥 Fattah had set up in advance of his mayoral bid, agreed to make a $1 million personal loan to help the campaign, the court documents state. But because of the city鈥檚 contribution limits, Lord could not write out the check directly to the campaign. So instead, he made the loan to a consulting firm that was working with Fattah.
Thomas Lindenfeld, the political consultant in charge of the firm, then steered the money to the campaign 鈥 using $600,000 of it to buy media ads and to provide 鈥渨alking around money鈥 to local party officials who were helping bring people to the polls. The rest of the money was returned to Lord.
Fattah never disclosed the contribution in his campaign finance filings.
By late 2007, Sallie Mae was struggling. An extremely lucrative buy-out deal that the company had reached with an investor group earlier in the year had . The company鈥檚 private student loan portfolio was , particularly due to high-risk loans it had made to sub-prime borrowers at some of the largest chains of for-profit colleges in the country. And as a result of , in which Lord lost his cool and swore, the company鈥檚 market value plummeted by $3 billion in just one day.
鈥淓xperienc(ing) acute financial difficulty,鈥 Lord demanded that the loan be repaid. According to the court filings, Fattah devised an elaborate scheme to 鈥渄isguise the movement of the money鈥 back to Lord.
Not only was this whole practice shady, but the funds that were used to repay the debt came from charitable contributions and federal grants that had been made to a foundation Fattah had founded to improve educational opportunities for disadvantaged students. Ironically, $500,000 came from a grant that the Sallie Mae Fund had made to Fattah鈥檚 foundation to support an annual conference the Congressman holds on higher education opportunity.
The remaining $100,000 came from a grant that NASA had provided the foundation to support a 鈥淢ath, Science & Technology Enrichment Program鈥 for 鈥渕embers of underrepresented groups鈥 in Philadelphia.
So far, Lord has not been charged with committing any crime, and it is unclear whether or not he will be. Lord has repeatedly refused to comment on the matter.
Regardless, the incident shows the extent to which Sallie Mae officials were willing to go to use the fortune they amassed from making federally backed student loans to win friends in Congress. How much of this , in the company鈥檚 efforts to protect its federal servicing and collection contracts as well as its private student loan business, is worthy of further investigation.